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Personally, these polls mean nothing unless you are putting them against a candidate who is their competition. Its like the approval level for policies. Yeah, its a good selling point but does it change a vote. I would love to see a poll that says if a particular candidate did not vote for this particular policy would you vote for their competition and that would include crossing party lines. That to me is worthwhile poll because the current poll is more like "Do you like Coke or Pepsi" If you were only offered one or the other would you just get it or not get it at all. Most people would just get Coke if it was the only thing on the menu or Pepsi. All the GOP need to do is say we have a plan which would be enough for their constituents to be fine. Isn't that what happen with healthcare.

Polls are good at marketing to say "See, America likes this" but what they do not show is the willingness of the American voter to vote based on those polls. Does it motivate people who do not vote to vote or do those people believe just because they like something that is all it takes to make it happen. Its shows a naïve thinking to the political process.



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Jaicee said:

Just as someone who's followed American politics at least loosely since the presidential election of 1992, I somewhat disagree. Usually political shifts occur on an election-by-election basis (as in they last for two-year periods) and occur almost immediately following a major election outcome. Take the 2016 presidential election, for example. The immediate result of that was the largest demonstration in American history in the form of the 2017 Women's March, followed by several large-scale follow-ups (the Climate March, the March for Science, the March for Truth, the Tax March), all attended by hundreds of thousands of people at minimum, followed by a summer of those, ya know, tea party style town hall meetings mostly organized to protest the proposed law to repeal the Affordable Care Act, all leading up to the off-year elections in the fall that saw the Democrats make their biggest single-election gains in Virginia since Reconstruction and pick up the governor's seat in New Jersey and ultimately a Senate seat even in ultra-conservative Alabama at the height of the Me Too movement (which gained nationwide traction and visibility at this particular point in history for a reason having very much to do with who was elected president the preceding year). In fact, Trump reached the lowest job approval rating of his entire presidency within that same calendar year, immediately following the defeat of pedophile Roy Moore, who naturally he had enthusiastically endorsed, for the aforementioned Alabama Senate seat. My point being that the backlash to Trump's election was immediate, building up to its peak point the same year he assumed the presidency.

To further characterize how the human mind works with respect to politics though, the message the GOP got from the defeat of Roy Moore in Alabama, which was an especially stunning development that seemed to signal they could potentially even lose the Senate the next year despite structural advantages, was to finally pass a version of their tax cut bill. The new tax law was unpopular, but did have a support base in the Republican Party and this simple fact that the Republican-controlled Congress had actually passed a real law now stopped the bleeding and stabilized Trump's poll numbers at a slightly higher level above 40%, whereas they had been in a state of free-fall. This didn't dampen anti-Trump enthusiasm on the Democratic side of the aisle (as evidence by the March For Our Lives demanding stricter gun laws taking place a few months later, attended by millions), but it did shore up Republican support for the Trump Administration. That wasn't adequate to prevent the Democrats from having their best midterm cycle the next year since 1974, but you can see what I'm getting at.

What we're seeing here is much more subdued than all that because Joe Biden is a much more normal, boring president than Trump was. And I suspect you're right in the sense that a lot of these shifts we're seeing could reflect recent drops in Democratic enthusiasm rather than fundamental shifts in underlying party alignments. But 2021's major off-year elections are just about three months away now and whether many people who voted for Biden last year actually switch to voting Republican this year or instead just opt to sit this year and the midterms next year out, the real-world effect is similar. Republicans typically make gains in low-turnout elections, which tells you they aren't very good at eating the Democratic base of support, but also that there is, in reality, an often unmotivated, very edible base of support there. Which mainly consists of its working class. I wouldn't predict Republican landslides either this fall or next, but I would predict Republican gains owing to an enthusiasm gap favoring them emerging, including the GOP retaking the House of Representatives next year, based on the current trajectory of things. I believe these shifts are real not only based on the polling data available, but also based on my own experience just living as a working class woman who voted for Biden. Shifts in my own thinking and focus are reflected in these surveys. I've gone from relieved by vaccines and hopeful for a "Biden blitz" of legislation I mostly support after seeing the initial raft of executive orders he signed at the outset to viewing this as a lax, weak administration that embraces a largely hands-off approach to everything from rising crime to foreign policy to border policy to kinda even the virus nowadays and mostly defers to Congress when it comes to his own legislative policies in the name of partisan and bi-partisan unity, etc. There's just an emerging theme of not really caring and pretty much just letting everything go to hell, in my observation. I suspect people who live like me may indeed think somewhat like me about this situation.

I would add though that the Democrats can minimize the damage by passing laws. The infrastructure and family bills currently being considered in Congress poll twice as well as the Republican tax cut of 2017, enjoying 70 and 63% public support respectively in the most recent survey I saw. Successful passage of these bills before the fall election cycle begins in earnest next month could tilt public opinion on the major voting issue that is the economy in a Democratic direction, whereas currently Biden and the Democrats statistically tie the Republicans on the issue. In order to actually keep the House in Democratic hands after next year's midterms though, the crime rates will need to fall, the virus will need to be fundamentally under control, and it might help here in Texas if the border situation weren't as chaotic as it presently is too, I mean if we're serious about turning the state blue in the near future anyway. I have doubts about that all actually happening.

Now the 2024 presidential election is another thing though. I mean, let's face it, the Republicans are so out of touch that they'll probably nominate Trump again and that probably gives whoever the next Democratic nominee is a starting advantage there. But that's 2024 and I'm more focused on the immediate term here right now.

In regards to the Women's March, I haven't really seen anything personally indicating that this is a partisan shift. Most people's mind's weren't suddenly changed, they just got more vocal about their beliefs. This was reflected in the voting trends showing that women haven't really moved as a demographic group one way or the other since the 2016 election. Biden's results with women were unremarkable.

People tend to get really loud after elections, which shouldn't really be surprising. An election is release of a year of political tension, and when that release doesn't favor you, there is a lot of energy left in the system that often desires somewhere else to go. That doesn't mean that what we are seeing is a partisan shift post election, just the manifestation of stored energy. Mid-terms are often an expression of that same energy. Rubber-banding during midterms is excessively common because the opposing party has a lot of left over energy when they lose which drives engagement during midterms. Again, I would argue that this isn't really a partisan shift, because this does tend to be temporary, as demonstrated by the fact that almost every president loses seats during the midterms regardless of party. 

That is to say, I don't necessarily disagree with your point that there are shifts which occur post-election, I just don't believe those immediate shifts can really be extrapolated into long term trends, or assumed to be larger demographic trends, especially without voting data to support it. 



Hue.



Nina Turner lost to mainstream democrat Shontel Brown :)

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/08/03/shontel-brown-beats-nina-turner-in-key-ohio-primary-502365

Nina Turner had a massive edge from the beginning but her negative attacks against mainstream democrats didn't work.



6x master league achiever in starcraft2

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Beaten DOOM ultra-nightmare with NO endless ammo-rune, 2x super shotgun and no decoys on ps4 pro.

1-0 against Grubby in Wc3 frozen throne ladder!!

Trumpstyle said:

Nina Turner lost to mainstream democrat Shontel Brown :)

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/08/03/shontel-brown-beats-nina-turner-in-key-ohio-primary-502365

Nina Turner had a massive edge from the beginning but her negative attacks against mainstream democrats didn't work.

Sad day for me anyway, less likely that M4A, and strong Climate Crisis policies will be enacted now, you get what you vote for :/ 



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Trumpstyle said:

Nina Turner lost to mainstream democrat Shontel Brown :)

https://www.politico.com/news/2021/08/03/shontel-brown-beats-nina-turner-in-key-ohio-primary-502365

Nina Turner had a massive edge from the beginning but her negative attacks against mainstream democrats didn't work.

She wasn't really even close.  She is trying to blame PAC money but the real blame should go directly to herself.  She gave way to much fuel for her competition and the mainstream Dems.  Her ambivalence for the current Dems should have stayed in her heart as she works to get into a seat.  She played an angle in a mostly moderate Dem area and it did not pay off at all.



I didn't wanna say anything before because I kinda like Rab's angsty spirit, but yeah, I've found it easy to see why Shontel Brown won this contest. Though Brown was called the "establishment" candidate in this race, I feel that that descriptor is, in certain spiritual senses, a bit misleading. It makes it sound as though she had some kind of starting advantage here when, in reality, Nina Turner was the national celebrity figure in this race, whereas Brown, the victor, was just some local city council member who up until last month was known only in her district.

Nina Turner was a co-chair of Bernie Sanders' 2020 presidential campaign, the head of his Our Revolution activist group, and a former Majority Whip in the Ohio state senate for six years. She (Turner) enjoyed celebrity endorsements of her own, including those of Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and the Justice Democrats, to name a few, and despite her claims to have been defeated by big money from "special interests", in reality enjoyed a huge campaign fundraising advantage. Turner indeed enjoyed lots of support. Most of it, however, was in California, not, you know, Ohio where she was running.

Spoiler!

"As of the first quarter fundraising reports released in April, Turner had raised about $2.2 million to Brown's $680,000. Turner's campaign said last week that it raised another $930,000 in June alone. Brown's campaign, while not giving a monthly total, touted $162,808 in donations raised 24 hours after receiving a late-June endorsement from Rep. James Clyburn. The South Carolina Democrat helped President Joe Biden pull ahead with his endorsement in the 2020 presidential primary.

The lion's share of Turner's early fundraising support came from California donors (2.2 times what she raised from Ohio donors, according to the Federal Election Commission) as progressives across the nation look to Ohio's special election to swing the political pendulum within the Democratic Party. Brown raised more from Ohio donors than anywhere else, and 13.4 times more than she raised from California donors, according to the early FEC reporting."


A month ago, Turner concurrently enjoyed a 40-point lead over Brown. My point being that this race was clearly her's to lose from the outset, not Brown's to win. That's why I say that the characterization of Shontel Brown as an "establishment" candidate up against a populist underdog in Nina Turner feels a bit misleading in a certain sense. Brown did NOT enjoy any kind of starting advantage. Furthermore, the threat of a Republican victory in the district was non-existent and as such pragmatism was an argument the Brown-aligned forces couldn't rely on like they often do in other elections. And yet Brown won anyway.

There were technically a few differences between the economic positions that Shontel Brown and Nina Turner ran on (such as whether all tuition at public colleges and universities should be abolished or "just" all of it for the 90% of the population making under $125,000 a year for example), but frankly the Brown campaign did not contest these issues, thus making it evident that Turner's principled stances on economic policy were, unsurprisingly, popular in her district. But Turner was also the defund-the-police candidate in this race (pretend you're surprised), has refused to answer questions like whether the U.S. should impose economic sanctions on Israel (not the settlements, mind you, Israel as a whole, period), and declined to endorse either Hillary Clinton or Joe Biden for president even after their successful nominations in 2016 and 2020 respectively. Some of these stances place Turner to the left of Bernie Sanders and AOC, both of whom, for example, supported the Biden campaign following his nomination (as did I). It fits in with the caricature of this type of person that Turner is also a college professor specializing in social studies on the side. These are the real reasons why she lost.

I just think the progressive movement really could stand to get outside of its little online bubble a little more often these days and listen more to what ordinary working people actually want and don't rather than determining a list of positions to stake out based on what's popular on college campuses and certain corners of the internet and then fabricating ways in which all of them are supposedly broadly popular. You know? Be less elitist. Isn't that the very thing and attitude you lament so much and aspire to fight against?

Last edited by Jaicee - on 04 August 2021

How much of Mike Lindell do you think is just crazy, how much is just grift?

Good Lord.



Jaicee said:

A month ago, Turner concurrently enjoyed a 40-point lead over Brown. My point being that this race was clearly her's to lose from the outset, not Brown's to win. That's why I say that the characterization of Shontel Brown as an "establishment" candidate up against a populist underdog in Nina Turner feels a bit misleading in a certain sense. Brown did NOT enjoy any kind of starting advantage. Furthermore, the threat of a Republican victory in the district was non-existent and as such pragmatism was an argument the Brown-aligned forces couldn't rely on like they often do in other elections. And yet Brown won anyway.

Another look, or point of view on this situation 

According to other people looking into this, Corporate/Est money did back Brown (Even the Israelis organisation DMFI donated heavily against Turner), and the Peoples money did back Turner

Pro Turner/Anti Brown $904k (source: Dem Action PAC)

Pro Brown/Anti Turner $2.7M (source: Dem Action PAC)

In the end the Hillary/Corp Dems status quo was maintained, resulting in governance policies less likely to be progressive going forward 

Last edited by Rab - on 04 August 2021

The bitter pill to swallow for progressives is that Democrat Primary voters tend to like the Democratic party. Hello Somebody just had to learn that the hard way.