1. You'd have a point if I only read these media source. In fact, most of these I heard from the local or national news (which are skewed contrary to these stories) , and I just googled them out of memory. Reporting a specific thing that happened truthfully is all that was required for the point I was making.
2. False equivalency. I was providing an example of somebody's right being abridged and affecting their ability to take care and defend themselves. If the minority of cases when it came to rights didn't matter, then we'd have no problem with death penalties because the few percent who are innocent but are killed by the state don't make up for the many guilty who are killed by the state. I can provide many other examples as well, but nothing is as satisfying as an analysis of collaborating empirical studies (which don't exist.)
3. Plenty of countries have high suicide rates and no guns. Just look at Japan. I really don't buy the concept that shooting yourself in the head to death (it isn't as easy as you might think) is any easier than jumping off a bridge, for example. This also brings me to the point that these are aggregate data measurements. For some individuals a gun in the home will make them safer, while for others it might make them greater at risk. That is for the individual to decide for themselves, based on their own risk factors. Not everybody is an identical statistic. Obviously somebody who has zero risk of sucide is not going to have an 80% higher chance of commiting suicide because a gun is in their house, for example.
Your first link is just a regugitation of the faulty study you provided before based solely on data from 1994 ( more than twenty years ago.)
Your second link says nothing about individual gun ownership, but rather societal gun ownership. And polling social scientists and stating there is a concensus among "scientists" is laughable. 70% of social scientists agreeing is not a consensus.
Here is a much more thorough analysis of the discussion of societal gun ownership which analysizes data over a 40 year period 1966 - 2006 and throughout the whole world comparing the effect of gun policy on death and suicide rates.
http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/jlpp/Vol30_No2_KatesMauseronline.pdf
This Article has reviewed a significant amount of evidence from a wide variety of international sources. Each individual portion of evidence is subject to cavil—at the very least the general objection that the persuasiveness of social scientific evidence cannot remotely approach the persuasiveness of conclusions in the physical sciences.
Nevertheless, the burden of proof rests on the proponents of the more guns equal more death and fewer guns equal less death mantra, especially since they argue public policy ought to be based on that mantra. To bear that burden would at the very least require showing that a large number of nations with more guns have more death and that nations that have imposed stringent gun controls have achieved substantial reductions in criminal violence (or suicide). But those correlations are not observed when a large number of nations are compared across the world. Over a decade ago, Professor Brandon Centerwall of the University of Washington undertook an extensive, statistically sophis‐ticated study comparing areas in the United States and Canada to determine whether Canada’s more restrictive policies had better contained criminal violence. When he published his results it was with the admonition:
If you are surprised by [our] finding[s], so [are we]. [We] did not begin this research with any intent to “exonerate” hand‐ guns, but there it is—a negative finding, to be sure, but a negative finding is nevertheless a positive contribution. It directs us where not to aim public health resources.