coolbeans said:
What does "without Trump" mean in this context though? He gave an open endorsement of that sentient cardboard and Democrats practically pried Trump onto the ballot through continual attack ads and consistently name-dropping him during Dem rallies.
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I believe what Machiavellian is trying to get at is the fact that Republicans are faring better at the ballot box today without Trump being president than they ever did during the Trump years. Democrats made electoral gains in the 2017 off-year elections, the 2018 midterm elections, the 2019 off-year elections, obviously the 2020 presidential election, and won the Georgia Senate run-offs in January of this year as well. And then last Tuesday this pattern suddenly reversed.
I also feel like saying that Trump endorsed the Republican candidate for the office after he was already nominated is sort of like calling Joe Biden a "Bernie Sanders Democrat" because Sanders endorsed him after he'd already effectively won the party's nomination for president. Only the other party does that. The same basic principle applies here. Personally, I have the Republican Party mentally divided into two main factions: the Trumpists and the Reaganists. Larry Elder I saw as a Trumpist. Crushed. Didn't even make any inroads on Gavin Newsom compared to Newson's previous election, in fact. Glenn Youngkin I see as more of a Reaganist. Victorious, and in a state that voted for Biden by a 10-point margin just last year. I think this is part of what Machiavellian is getting at too; that it's not just Trump, but Trumpism that seems to fare poorly at the ballot box with remarkable consistency.
To point to specific evidence of what I'm getting at, note that the exit polling out of Virginia finds that, whereas Trump got 44% of the state's vote last year and currently enjoys a favorability rating of 43% (i.e. essentially unchanged from a year ago when he was defeated), Glenn Youngkin got 51% of the vote. There's an 8-point gap there, you'll notice, that made all the difference between defeat and victory, composed of people who view Trump negatively but voted for Youngkin. This suggests that many people mentally differentiate the two.
You know what demographic senses a difference between Trump and Youngkin most clearly of all? Mine. Whereas last Tuesday's election saw a 12-point swing toward the Republican Party compared to last year's presidential election overall, among white women without college degrees it was a gargantuan 37-point swing (from 56% to 44% favoring Trump last year to an overwhelming 74% to 25% favoring Youngkin this year). This was the single biggest change from last year. In fact, if I'm not mistaken, I think this one group may by itself account for most of the difference between Trump's defeat in Virginia last year and Youngkin's win this year.
I see Glenn Youngkin as an opportunist. The man started out his campaign wearing a business suit and tie appropriate to his tenure a former executive at private equity firm the Carlyle Group and talking like a cookie-cutter neocon candidate. By the time campaigning began in earnest, he was now wearing homier fleece vests and had adopted a more rousing, and almost coherent, tone; now a man of the people, not of the business world. Well most people only pay attention to the last few months of electoral campaigns, so the difference probably wasn't noticed by most Virginians. The man's aim is to seize on the public's concerns about shall we politely say interesting school policies to promote not the further democratization of the state's public school system, but rather its privatization. It is a subdued yet staple feature of his speeches to make sure to get a good word in for "school choice" and "vouchers" any time the issue parental concern is brought up. Befitting the fact that the main parent activist group in Virginia that's been organizing many of these protest actions, Parents Defending Education, appears to have been founded by paid agents of the Koch brothers, one seriously wonders whether the concerns of people at the top of these campaigns are really the same as those of the ordinary participants in reality. Probably not. Where ordinary Virginia parents may be frustrated at how little control they have over their own children's curriculum and school environment after a year and a half of being forced to homeschool them against their will, characters like Youngkin are more likely motivated by an aim to redistribute funds out of the public school system and into private schools that might be operated on a religious or for-profit basis and are even more lacking in democratic processes, for example. Liberals like Terry McAuliffe though cannot even be bothered to make this point because they're too busy falling for the trap by embracing reactionary myths like critical race theory, queer theory, and so forth. It's a slick con.
Nevertheless, we see in Youngkin's call to vaccination, in his pledge to veto any abortion bill similar to that which recently, infamously, got enacted here in Texas, and in his general mannerisms for that matter, the nature of the issues he chose to center, obviously in keeping the former president at arm's length and never campaigning with him, and other things, a desire to be distinguished from the former president. He did nothing to offend Donald Trump's enthusiasts, but he also made it clear that it was his goal to bring together, in his words, "Never Trumpers and Forever Trumpers"; phrasing that implies a distinction between both of these groups and himself.
Speaking of all this, in terms of analyses, I liked the one I saw on the PBS News Hour not long ago the best. James Carville does an outstanding job of summing up what the left is doing wrong overall while Amy Walter fills in some gaps on that and anti-Trump Republican Barbara Comstock highlights some what Glenn Youngkin did right in Virginia that reunited the conservative movement and made it accessible to more people:
Last edited by Jaicee - on 10 November 2021