noname2200 said:
Look, this is a constitutional law question regarding the federal government. There is a simple, three-part test for such questions. In a nutshell: 1) Is there federal action? If "no," STOP: the federal government is an improper party to the action. If "yes," proceed to step two. 2) Is the federal action permitted by the Constitution? If "no," STOP: the federal government is one of enumerated powers. It can not act without the Constitution's permission, and so the action is unconstitutional. If "yes," proceed to step three. 3) Is the federal action prohibited by the Constitution, treaty, or federal statute? If "no," STOP: the action is legal. If "yes," STOP: the action is illegal. Keep in mind though that if the bar is a treaty or federal statute, the Congress can elect to overrule those bars and proceed anyways: only the federal Constitution is an absolute bar.
All the talk about rights, free speech analysis, slippery slope lateral equivalents, etc., none of these belong in this discussion. All you need to do is go through the steps above. The main snag here is clearly step two. The relevant legal facts are as follows: Health care and health care insurance both clearly under the domain of the commerce clause, and can be regulated at the point it is utilized. Health care is used by every American, often even before birth. People without health insurance, in the aggregate, have an impact on interstate commerce by utilizing health care on someone else's dime. On the other hand, this law attempts to regulate action that has not yet occured, and it seeks to compel behavior rather than merely regulate it. Are these last two factors enough to find that the commerce clause does not apply? I'm inclined to think yes, albeit by a narrow margin, because of the reality that use is inevitable, and the impact on interstate commerce is very real. This wouldn't even be the first time the federal government compelled citizens to action: every adult male citizen must register for the draft, and the penalty for violation there (loss of liberty) is weighed higher than the penalty here (loss of income). Does this have uncomfortable legal ramifications? Yes. But the legal analysis is unrestricted by my mere discomfort. Of course, judging from some of the questions asked yesterday, the discomfort may ultimately be the deciding factor. |
You seem to have a clear misunderstanding of how the supreme court works.
I suggest more to yesterday's arguements. Lateral arguements and questions were in VERY high use, and seen as VERY relevent because of how ruling that the law is consitutional leads to other lateral arguements that may more cleaerly be unconsitutional, therefore making the whole thing unconstituional.








